In a piece of pure political theater, Donald Trump began his second presidency by signing a series of executive orders before an enthusiastic crowd of 20,000 in Washington, ushering in what he dubbed “America’s golden age” in his inaugural address.

The orders immediately reversed much of the Biden administration’s policy. But there are limits to what Trump can accomplish with those orders. And they mask a deeper urgency for the new administration about how to deal with potential Republican infighting and a restless public eager for change.

What has Trump ordered?

U.S. presidents typically use executive orders at the beginning of their terms to immediately begin implementing their agenda.

Key orders signed on Trump’s first day included:

• A federal government hiring freeze and a return-to-office mandate for all federal employees;
• Pardons for those convicted following the Capitol riots of January 6, 2021;
• US withdrawal from the Paris climate agreement and the World Health Organization;
• Declare a national emergency on the U.S.-Mexico border and end birthright citizenship.

Because they are legally binding, executive orders are a powerful tool. Both Democratic and Republican presidents have been accused of dictatorial intentions for their use.

However, executive orders remain constrained by the courts, Congress and public opinion. Birthright citizenship, in particular, is protected by the 14th Amendment to the Constitution, so Trump’s order will undoubtedly face a legal challenge.

And crucially, executive orders can be overturned by a successor. Trump did so in spectacular fashion by revoking 78 Biden-era orders, many of which concerned federal diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives.

The limits of executive orders have been tested in recent years, and Trump will no doubt do so again.

But issuing orders to demonstrate action has political value, even if they ultimately prove ineffective, are narrowed in scope or rescinded. That was the case in legal disputes over Trump’s 2017 travel ban on citizens of Muslim-majority countries and Biden’s student loan debt forgiveness plan .

Trump evidently recognized this in the choreography of his executive orders on Monday. For example, the order aimed at “ restoring free speech and ending federal censorship ” is loaded with political rhetoric but may have little practical effect.

Can the honeymoon last?

Trump is enjoying his highest support ratings and the typical post-election honeymoon that most presidents enjoy.

But this support could easily evaporate if the high expectations of his supporters are not met quickly. In this context, executive orders were the quickest way to signal progress on key priorities to an impatient nation.

Across much of the United States, concerns about inflation and poor infrastructure remain high. Less than 20 percent of the country is satisfied with the direction of the country.

For a country desperate for change, Trump’s campaign promises to immediately end foreign wars , curb rising inflation and tackle illegal immigration were highly appealing. But so far, Trump hasn’t given many details about these promises.

Half of Americans expect the price of everyday items to fall during his presidency, including nearly nine in ten of his supporters . Three-quarters also expect him to carry out mass deportations.

But the public remains divided over or misunderstands other elements of Trump’s agenda .

The instantaneous and dramatic nature of executive orders is therefore an attractive option for Trump. He can show that he is taking steps to fulfill his campaign promises while also buying time to resolve thornier issues.

Trump’s uneasy alliance with Congress

Republicans control both chambers of Congress, as well as the White House. But the historically narrow margin of Republican control in the House of Representatives and the perennial thorn in the side of the Senate filibuster could threaten Trump’s legislative agenda.

Until three anticipated House vacancies are filled, Republicans cannot afford a single defector on a party-line vote. House Speaker Mike Johnson is already encountering obstacles in consolidating support for a comprehensive “MAGA bill,” which he hopes to introduce in Congress later this year.

In 2017, when Trump had a similarly friendly Congress and a much more comfortable margin, Republicans were still struggling to unite around a legislative agenda. Major tax cuts were passed, but changes to Obamacare and other priorities fell apart amid internal party infighting.

This paved the way for sweeping Democratic victories in the 2018 midterm elections, a pattern that could repeat itself in 2026 depending on Republican progress over the next two years.

Like Barack Obama before him, Trump could resort to executive orders to bypass Congress, especially if Republicans lose control of the House of Representatives in 2026. Indeed, his executive order to lift the TikTok ban circumvents a bipartisan law passed by Congress last year and recently upheld by the conservative Supreme Court.

These measures could create friction with legislators, even those from his own party.

On Sunday, Johnson insisted that the United States would “enforce the law” against TikTok. And two Republican senators warned against offering the Chinese platform any kind of extension, which they said would have “no legal basis.”

Divisions among Republicans are also evident over the possibility of tariffs and the future of Trump’s immigration policy.

For now, these tensions will be sidelined amid the euphoria of the inauguration. But they will inevitably resurface and could lead to a return to legislative gridlock and inaction. Such delays may find little patience among Americans eager for quick solutions to intractable problems.

Author Bio: Samuel Garrett is a Research Associate, United States Studies Centre at the University of Sydney